This thorough but highly readable book talks about how the US
electoral system is broken at the design level, even if all the
tactical problems like voting machines and dirty tricks
weren't there. He explores the attempted fixes, points out
the drawbacks of each with examples, and proposes a solution
which has some mathematical support.
The way the US conducts almost all its elections doesn't
capture the will of the people accurately, and can't. The
problem is one that people here have talked about: the system
just plain can't reflect your preferences unless you actually
like one of the two major-party candidates.
If the Republicans and the Democrats put up diphtheria and
smallpox as their candidates, then supporters of a third party
that runs vaccination face a nasty problem. Ignore the sheep who
say things like "You're throwing away your vote",
"He doesn't have a chance", and in general
don't realize what a vote is. There's a real problem: the
odds are that if you vote for vaccination, you would otherwise
have voted for diphtheria as the lesser of two evils. In that
case your vote for what you really want helps to elect smallpox.
Gaming the Vote gives vivid real life examples of this
problem and documents many cases where a major party funded a
third-party enemy to draw votes from the other major party.
Then the book talks about the nature, the history, and especially
the malfunctions of alternatives such as instant runoff voting,
approval voting, Condorcet voting and Borda voting. It covers the
(often incandescent) theoretical debates about whether the
problems of each are significant in real life, in enough detail
to be accurate but while remaining clear to a non-specialist. He
explains the theorem that all ranking-based voting systems have
paradoxes (the Arrow Impossibility Theorem).
Most of the alternatives, except for approval voting and the
system Poundstone saves for the end as the best choice, involve
letting the voter rank all the candidates in order of preference.
In the example above, if the voter is honest (more about that
later), the ranking will be vaccination > diphtheria >
smallpox.
Instant runoff voting takes the rankings and checks whether any
candidate has a majority of first-place rankings. If not, you
repeatedly eliminate candidates based on their getting the fewest
first-place rankings, and reallocate their supporters' votes
to the supporter's second choices until a winner emerges.
This way, there's no disincentive to putting your first
choice first, and maybe enough people will realize that so that
vaccination will actually win.
Poundstone points out analysis by voting theorist Donald Saari
that IRV could have led to a "bad" outcome in the
Lousiana election that pitted a crook against a Klansman. Other
problems show up in theory. Popular moderates can be eliminated
early if they're crowded out of first place by ideologues. An
apparent paradox, which Poundstone explains, is that ranking a
candidate higher in some configurations can cause that candidate
to lose. There's also a practical problem: the
"instant" in the name isn't quite accurate because
you have to total up all the votes before you can begin the
actual selection. The more serious effect is that you're
completely dependent on a central counting authority.
Condorcet voting takes the rankings and runs pairwise contests
using them. Vaccination prevails in all two-way contests, so it
wins.
The drawbacks, which Poundstone illustrates with a real-life
Wikipedia vote, include the risk of getting into a
rock-paper-scissors cycle with no clear winner.
Borda counting awards points to each candidate based on the
candidate's rank position, and adds those up across all
ballots. It suffers from the problem that it encourages dishonest
ballots. If Ebola joined the race in our example, then someone
who saw the polls showing Ebola with no chance might rank Ebola
ahead of smallpox. Expressing a "preference" for Ebola
hurts smallpox's chances, which is why someone might do it,
but then the ballot no longer reflects real preferences and Ebola
does better than it should.
Approval voting does away with rankings entirely, and is
therefore exempt from the impossibility theorem. Each voter says
"OK" or "not OK" of each candidate. If
chlorination joins our example race, you could vote yes on both
chlorination and vaccination and no on the three diseases. This
sounds simple and fair but is the subject of bitter academic
controversy. The easiest problem to understand is that it
doesn't rank preferences: a candidate just barely tolerable
enough to approve for most people can beat a candidate who is the
enthusiastic favorite of many.
Poundstone accompanies the theory with vivid biographical
sketches of the colorful people who have researched and proposed
voting systems. He draws examples from real life whenever
possible, including the 1992 Bush/Clinton/Perot election.
So what are we supposed to do? Poundstone closes by advocating
"range voting", which captures the information other
systems miss by having voters give each candidate a rating from 1
to N. Instead of clicking a checkbox or picking a ranking, you
can say how much you approve or disapprove of each candidate.
Researcher Warren Smith has run simulated elections pitting
voting systems against each other on a scale of "Bayesian
regret", a measure of how unhappy the simulated voters are
with the simulated results. Range voting consistently comes out
best.
Read it. It's a rare combination of entertaining and
informative.
Gaming the Vote, William Poundstone, Hill and Wang 2008.
ISBN 978-0-8090-4983-9
...IRV...There's also a practical problem: the
"instant" in the name isn't quite accurate because
you have to total up all the votes before you can begin the
actual selection. The more serious effect is that you're
completely dependent on a central counting authority.
I know someone who works for the Australian Electoral Commission
on election days. She told me that the preliminary vote which
gets counted on election night is always done at the polling
station by the same people who operated the station during the
day. It never goes to preferences but it is enough to call the
election by 11 PM or so in most cases.
Preferences become more important for minor parties and it
can take days or weeks to sort through the
preferences to find out who won in a few electorates.
At first glance, Brams's
Preference Approval Voting system looks like it explores the
same territory you propose. Of the two voting systems in that
paper, "fallback voting" is closest to yours: voters
rank only the candidates they approve of, and instead of IRV
among the approved-of, there's a system where candidates can
build majorities by counting the people who voted for them in
second place.
The way we do it now might not be so bad if we didn't have
the extremely blatant and harmful media propaganda efforts
"for" some candidates and "against" some
others. Even just looking at the two dominant parties in the US,
it as easy to see that well before a single poll was taken, that
there were handpicked media "leading" candidates and
then "fringe" candidates. And because it is across the
board with the big news outfits, with zero exceptions, I
don't think it is anything but planned in advance, at such
lofty levels and venues as the bilderberger meetings, said
meetings getting a dearth of their own coverage, even though the
ultimate media execs all go there and attend. When you have
groups of the most important and influential people on the planet
attending multi day events such as that, complete with the
highest level organized secrecy and security from the
paramilitary forces, and just a few reports coming out, with
apparently none of the normal governmental "sunshine"
reporting laws being adhered to, because of all the pols who also
attend, the basic question would be "what are they
hiding?". You don't see it with their other non-hidden
big meetings, always tons of coverage. I would answer that with
occams razor, that which they don't want the serfs to know
about is what is discussed and planned out. They aren't
sitting around playing Parchesi, put it that way, they are
plotting out blood profits wars and which puppets to dangle in
front of their herds, and how much they are going to skim this
year with the new economic shell game boom and bubble manipulated
event and so on.
This "lead around by the nosering" political process is
sort of touched on there in the book summary with the
"don't throw your vote away" and the two diseases,
because these are diseases/candidates/foreign and domestic
policy, etc, selected for you by the aristocrats, the
technofeudalists. They (apparently, IMO) have a short list of
globalist/blessed (and most likely compromsed) candidates of
their choosing, and those are the ones they are comfortable
enough with "winning", so they get pushed hard, others
marginalized. Any other candidate, no matter how popular down in
the trenches of the grassroots, will invariably either get
ignored or blatantly demonized in the controlled press, examples
this last go around, Kucinich and Paul, who both at least had a
lot of new and fresh ways of looking at things, starting out with
just being more or less honest guys, albeit with different
political viewpoints, at least they actually had different views.
Look at the Republican debates, the globalist pushed candidates
tried to outdo themselves with how many times they could use the
word "islamofascist"-except for Paul, who had by far
the largest populist following, yet still apparently fell far
short. That's obvious propaganda efforts, part of the plan,
to use trigger words and phrases [DRINK COKE] And it is human
nature to not want to admit that "anyone you" has been
phished or scammed into thinking such and such a way from such
efforts, after all, "anyone you" is "smart"
and "not influenced by advertising or propaganda". Uh
huh, yep, advertising doesn't work, no advances in
brainwashing over the last century, all of that is just an
illusion, and elections are never "sold". double uh
huh. Then you can get into the hacked electronic counting and so
on, which is a much bigger issue than the controlled media and
people who profit from it let on....bottom line, it won't
change as long as the events and processes are sold like
cornflakes to the people and they refuse to remove the noserings.
Even with different methods of voting.
Here's another example I think anyone who really thinks on it
can see. The biggest problem now with a lot of the interconnected
economies is the basic financial system itself, the switch in the
last century or so from a produced wealth money supply system to
a futures debt and IOU credit based system which is closed
source, locked into to a few elites to manage. And it really is,
too. Yet that is the last thing you will see rationally discussed
with any of the major economic news reporting outfits, nor by
many politicians. Why is that, when it is a huge and legit point?
All the other economic issues revolve around that basic deal,
what exactly do you *use* for your money, what is it really based
on? Occams razor again, they don't want people looking in
that direction, it would upset the technofeudalist rackets and
congames that go on. So it just doesn't happen except some
blogs and sites on the net mostly. You aren't going to see it
on abc/cbs/nbc even the bbc isn't going to discuss it, if
they do it is *immediately* labeled and demonized as
"conspiracy theory", back to the nosering and
propaganda efforts. You control the money supply and the news
media on large scales, that's it, you control the people and
the elections de evolve into political soap opera that is
scripted, planned and orchestrated for the most part, and how the
vote is counted won't ever matter much, because the
controllers will always get what they want, control, if it takes
compromising two candidate or six of them as the "top
candidates".
Book review: Gaming the Vote
This thorough but highly readable book talks about how the US electoral system is broken at the design level, even if all the tactical problems like voting machines and dirty tricks weren't there. He explores the attempted fixes, points out the drawbacks of each with examples, and proposes a solution which has some mathematical support.
The way the US conducts almost all its elections doesn't capture the will of the people accurately, and can't. The problem is one that people here have talked about: the system just plain can't reflect your preferences unless you actually like one of the two major-party candidates.
If the Republicans and the Democrats put up diphtheria and smallpox as their candidates, then supporters of a third party that runs vaccination face a nasty problem. Ignore the sheep who say things like "You're throwing away your vote", "He doesn't have a chance", and in general don't realize what a vote is. There's a real problem: the odds are that if you vote for vaccination, you would otherwise have voted for diphtheria as the lesser of two evils. In that case your vote for what you really want helps to elect smallpox.
Gaming the Vote gives vivid real life examples of this problem and documents many cases where a major party funded a third-party enemy to draw votes from the other major party.
Then the book talks about the nature, the history, and especially the malfunctions of alternatives such as instant runoff voting, approval voting, Condorcet voting and Borda voting. It covers the (often incandescent) theoretical debates about whether the problems of each are significant in real life, in enough detail to be accurate but while remaining clear to a non-specialist. He explains the theorem that all ranking-based voting systems have paradoxes (the Arrow Impossibility Theorem).
Most of the alternatives, except for approval voting and the system Poundstone saves for the end as the best choice, involve letting the voter rank all the candidates in order of preference. In the example above, if the voter is honest (more about that later), the ranking will be vaccination > diphtheria > smallpox.
Instant runoff voting takes the rankings and checks whether any candidate has a majority of first-place rankings. If not, you repeatedly eliminate candidates based on their getting the fewest first-place rankings, and reallocate their supporters' votes to the supporter's second choices until a winner emerges. This way, there's no disincentive to putting your first choice first, and maybe enough people will realize that so that vaccination will actually win.
Poundstone points out analysis by voting theorist Donald Saari that IRV could have led to a "bad" outcome in the Lousiana election that pitted a crook against a Klansman. Other problems show up in theory. Popular moderates can be eliminated early if they're crowded out of first place by ideologues. An apparent paradox, which Poundstone explains, is that ranking a candidate higher in some configurations can cause that candidate to lose. There's also a practical problem: the "instant" in the name isn't quite accurate because you have to total up all the votes before you can begin the actual selection. The more serious effect is that you're completely dependent on a central counting authority.
Condorcet voting takes the rankings and runs pairwise contests using them. Vaccination prevails in all two-way contests, so it wins.
The drawbacks, which Poundstone illustrates with a real-life Wikipedia vote, include the risk of getting into a rock-paper-scissors cycle with no clear winner.
Borda counting awards points to each candidate based on the candidate's rank position, and adds those up across all ballots. It suffers from the problem that it encourages dishonest ballots. If Ebola joined the race in our example, then someone who saw the polls showing Ebola with no chance might rank Ebola ahead of smallpox. Expressing a "preference" for Ebola hurts smallpox's chances, which is why someone might do it, but then the ballot no longer reflects real preferences and Ebola does better than it should.
Approval voting does away with rankings entirely, and is therefore exempt from the impossibility theorem. Each voter says "OK" or "not OK" of each candidate. If chlorination joins our example race, you could vote yes on both chlorination and vaccination and no on the three diseases. This sounds simple and fair but is the subject of bitter academic controversy. The easiest problem to understand is that it doesn't rank preferences: a candidate just barely tolerable enough to approve for most people can beat a candidate who is the enthusiastic favorite of many.
Poundstone accompanies the theory with vivid biographical sketches of the colorful people who have researched and proposed voting systems. He draws examples from real life whenever possible, including the 1992 Bush/Clinton/Perot election.
So what are we supposed to do? Poundstone closes by advocating "range voting", which captures the information other systems miss by having voters give each candidate a rating from 1 to N. Instead of clicking a checkbox or picking a ranking, you can say how much you approve or disapprove of each candidate. Researcher Warren Smith has run simulated elections pitting voting systems against each other on a scale of "Bayesian regret", a measure of how unhappy the simulated voters are with the simulated results. Range voting consistently comes out best.
Read it. It's a rare combination of entertaining and informative.
Gaming the Vote, William Poundstone, Hill and Wang 2008. ISBN 978-0-8090-4983-9